Celebrating Europe Day on May 9

By Events

9 MAYIS AVRUPA GÜNÜ PANELİ:

ÇALKANTILI DÜNYADA AVRUPA’NIN GELECEĞİ VE TÜRKİYE

9 Mayıs 2019 Perşembe, 13.00-16.00

TOBB Plaza Konferans Salonu, Levent, İstanbul

Türkiye-AB Derneği (TURABDER) ve İktisadi Kalkınma Vakfı 9 Mayıs Avrupa Günü’nü beraber kutluyor. Avrupa’nın geleceği ve Türkiye ile ilişkileri başlıklı panelimizde, Avrupa Parlamentosu seçimleri öncesinde yükselen popülizm ile Avrupa’nın geleceği konusunda kaygılar, genişleme konusunda hakim olan suskunluğa karşın iki tarafın da zedelemek istemediği ekonomik ilişkiler ve önümüzdeki yıllarda da günlük hayatımızı etkilemeye devam edecek olan göç krizi ele alınacak. 9 Mayıs 2019 Perşembe Avrupa Günü’nde saat 13:30- 16:00 arası beraber olalım.

13.00-13.30 ​​Kayıt ve ikram

13:30 ​​​Açılış Konuşmaları: ​

Prof. Dr. Gül GÜNVER TURAN, TURABDER Başkanı

Ayhan ZEYTİNOĞLU, İKV Başkanı

13:50 ​​​Panel

Moderatör:  Doç. Dr. Zeynep ALEMDAR, TURABDER,  Okan Üniversitesi Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü Başkanı

Doç. Dr. Çiğdem NAS, İKV Genel Sekreteri, Yıldız Teknik Üniversitesi

Prof. Dr. Sanem BAYKAL, Ankara Üniversitesi

Doç. Dr. Deniz ŞENOL SERT, TURABDER, Özyeğin Üniversitesi Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü

Sezin ÖNEY, Gazeteci

15.30-16.00 ​​Soru cevap

Kayıt için: Zuhal Yılmaz, İKV, Tel: 0212 2709300

Prof. Turan’s speech at the EMI Montenegro Congress (21-23 November 2013)

By European Union Economic and Monetary Union and Single Market

Prof. Turan’s speech at the EMI Montenegro Congress (21-23 November 2013)

Prof Turan stated that the Annual Enlargement Strategy Paper and the Progression reports were prepared at a time where enlargement fatigue, doubts about the economic future, fears for the euro, unsolved unemployment, lower growth rates and fears of deflation casted their shadows on the EU. She explained that we lived at a time when anti EU, anti immigrant parties were on the rise as exemplified by various nationalist parties in the UK, in France, Germany, Belgium, Austria, Hungary, Italy and Greece who have more and more a say in the making of politics and which all have one point of agreement: a dislike of the EU. This led Prof. Turan to ask the following question: Will these developments make further enlargement more difficult for the three potential candidates and 5 candidate countries?

Looking at the current EU map, Prof. Turan said she saw an enclave within the EU where Bosnia Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Albania and Macedonia were in, which was proof that even if their membership could be postponed to a later date such as 2016 or 2017, they would inevitably and with no doubt become future members of the EU.  Within this enlargement package two more countries take place she said: Iceland way up north acting more like Norway, and Turkey in the deep East which will remain on the waiting list for some more undetermined time.

Not wishing to reflect on the annual enlargement strategy paper nor on the progress reports since each year the EU Commission adopted such a package to which Prof. Turan agreed with what it hailed as well as what it criticized, she said she would discuss and question two aspects of the EU which she called the enlargement enigma and the EU enigma.

Prof Turan said that the expansion confronts the EU with an enlargement enigma since as it expands the EU becomes more heterogeneous. Yet the vision of ever deepening integration calls for homogenization on the economic, political and even if it is not always openly said on the socio-cultural front. On the political front political regimes defined as a democracy is emphasized. It is a regime where freedom of expression and other individual liberties exist without impinging on the rights of others. On the economic front economies operating in a liberal economic order is wished for and it befalls on the countries wishing to become EU members to work to achieve these goals under the guidance of the EU institutions. Prof. Turan explained that on the economic front the adjustment seems to be quicker than on the political front. Referring to the ratings on political rights and civil liberties as measured by Freedom House, she explained that if aspiration to the highest possible democratic standards and practices are the goal, then much has to be done in both the candidate and potential candidate countries. She then stated that on the socio cultural front it was her opinion that all EU members should accept cultural differences as such and not expect homogeneity. Existing values and beliefs should be respected and understood as the cultural richness of the countries in question. Viewing the EU for example as a Christian club she said was discriminatory since it implied differentiation on the basis of religion and national origin.

Prof Turan went on saying that the EU itself could be viewed to-day as an enigma since what awaits it, where it goes, where  the six Balkan countries will fit in the system, what will happen to the membership of the UK, Iceland and Turkey were as yet unanswerable questions. She went on discussing that a close look at present day EU in the aftermath of the economic crisis showed that the EU did not form  as yet have a true genuine political union, did not have strong supranational institutions, an empowered European Parliament. She quoted Jürgen Habernas who had said that the EU was a technocratic federal system with the reins held by the European Commission. She said we faced an EU to which transferring more power was contested. She stated that a multi tier Europe existed. Members of the Euro-area group seemed to operate on their own mostly through intergovernmental treaties with limited role given to EU institutions, that there were talks about instituting their proper organs, euro zone institutions shadowing existing EU ones. Thus we have one group that shares a single currency with all not expected to join as in the case of the pre-ins and outs. Not all participate in the Schengen area of borderless travel, military missions are run by just a small group of EU countries, smaller countries cluster together to have greater say in meetings such as the Benelux countries, the Vizi grad group. She added that if most of the political differences existing among the 6 west Balkan countries were to be resolved it would be to their advantage to do the same.

Why the clustering, why the three tier EU she asked and explained that in times of crisis trying to solve problems by changing the EU treaty is not a likely situation since you need the agreement of all members . Some of these members need to hold a referendum and most probably reaching a consensus would prove difficult. This is why a second way of doing things has developed. By using the clause of enhanced cooperation that allows for decisions within what the EU treaty allows, new policy tools have developed. These enabled the EC to scrutinize national budgets, give guidance and penalties to members violating budget or debt criteria’s. Since these decisions would be binding for all they are not en vogue she said. Thus a third way of doing things has developed in the EU: intergovernmental treaties signed among members of the euro zone.

Prof Turan concluded her talk by asking one final question: What do these developments result in and what are their implications for the applicant countries. She pinpointed that:

1. A deepening integration within the EU zone where the euro zone becomes the central actor will be considered as a de facto exclusion for those that are not in.  And that

2. This would lead to a separation by thicker walls between the euro zone and the non members of the euro and the applicants. The greater the deepening integration the more difficult for pre ins and candidates to become member of the zone. This will imply harsher conditions to be required from candidate countries and greater disillusionment for second class marginalized members and applicants.

Prof. Turan finally wondered whether the supranational dream of a European federation would be replaced by greater intergovernmentalism and whether the rift between the ins, the pre ins and the outs would become deeper causing greater differentiation between core euro zone members and the others. She said that time would tell.

Seven Answers to Seven Questions

By EMI Education Academy

1. I listened to the reasons bringing you from the idea of being a ballerina to the one of being an economist. What brought you to focus also on the themes of youth unemployment and non-formal education and the role  civil societies can have in this field?

Answer: Having lived and studied in Algeria and Egypt, having travelled in remote areas of my home country Turkey, I felt it necessary to understand better the dual life style of these societies, to know what economic development implied, see how things could be changed, improved. I then thought that economics would be the answer. Becoming aware that it was politics that determined the type of economic policies applied in a country  led me to work more and more on political economy issues.  Politics determine economics and vice versa. Besides teaching I also have administrative responsibilities. This allows me to be in close contacts with students, young people graduating and wishing to find decent jobs. Giving talks, making presentations to various civil society organizations made me aware of their importance leading me to work for one of them. But my main specialty is banking and international finance.

2. You have been mostly working in Turkey: do you think that the motives of unemployment here are the same as in the rest of Europe?

Answer: I have taken sabbatical leaves more than once which allowed me to spend time in France and the US, I have travelled all around the world to give conferences and these opportunities have given me the chance to learn, compare for myself different economies. Unemployment is a general disease and one can find multiple reasons for it. Some are the same as in the developed countries and some are specific to developing ones. In developing countries where population increase is high creating new jobs become problematic, when people living in rural areas decide to move into cities creating jobs for these unskilled people is not easy, when the level of GDP (Gross domestic product) of the country is low, income per capita is not high the government is not able to allocate enough funds to education.

3.What are the valuable skills for today’s work environment that can be acquired through non-formal education?

Answer :. Working within a youth organization can be viewed as one form of non formal education. It enables you and your friends to acquire skills such as the ability to communicate with others, to express yourself intelligently and use words effectively. Discussions held during these meeting make you realize the importance of knowledge and creativity. Travelling in different places, meeting people of different nationalities and culture enhances you imagination. Curiosity about what surrounds you makes you more knowledgeable. Training in the right place will also lead to the same results. “To-day’s working environment” is an expression that   needs to be discussed in depth. Working environment may imply different things for different people.  What is it that you really want? What is the ideal environment for you? The answer will depend on the type of person that you are, thus in certain cases you may  not want to be part of this “working environment”….

4. Germany, Austria and the Netherlands are the countries performing better in terms of low youth unemployment. What do you think the role of non-formal education is in this situation?

Answer:  I think that Sweden, Denmark and Norway are also doing quite well. Social democrat governments attach great importance to education and to questions related to unemployment in general. Politics play an important role. Policy priorities of different parties differ. One can now see a move towards more nationalistic regimes in some of the EU countries leading them to talk about closing their borders, ending the Shengen regime.

5. Do you have suggestions in order to help changing employers’ mentality in order to recognize achievement of non-formal education?

Answer: It is most difficult to try to promote specialized programs in small and medium sized enterprises where skilled and educated workers are not essential. In certain cases the government can subsidize in-company training, in other cases such as in Japan training is viewed as the responsibility of firms. In Turkey for example banks train their employees for several months and pay them before employing them. On the job training is important in certain sectors but not so in others. Employers know what they need, and if they do not find the required skilled elements then they train them out of necessity.

6. You talked about the necessity to understand the required positions from market and match with individual competences. Does this mean that people have to stop following their dreams if they do not match?

Answer: The choice will always be yours. What I meant is that your dreams may not correspond with the reality, with what the market wants. Job creation is to-day concentrated in high skilled areas, and if you want to avoid unemployment or low income or job insecurity you will have to behave accordingly. If you insist on pursuing your dreams that will be your choice and you could still be happy doing what you like best.

7. Can  universities in Turkey or elsewhere  promote youth employment. Can you tell me how this is could be done?

Answer:  High school graduates wishing to enter the university system must pass a two stage university entrance exam. Those students who fail the second exam are allowed to enroll in either a 2 year vocational school or a 4 year vocational school. This is a second chance opportunity for them to obtain a diploma that will allow them to secure a good job. E-learning centers could be formed to train young people wishing to work in the IT sector or wanting to operate a small sized enterprise of their own and these courses could be free of charge. These students would thus be able to increase their skills in management, accounting and different programs. Business associations, the government, a university, large firms could also cooperate to put together a vocational program

Société Civile et Etat

By Participatory Democracy and Civil Society Dialogue

Plus de 25 pays étaient représentés par des associations de la société civile  dans ce Troisième Congrès du Dialogue Sud-Nord Méditerranée organisé à Tunis entre le 7 et 9 Juin 2012 et portant  sur le partenariat qui pourrait exister entre « la Société civile et l’Autorité ».

Ce dialogue entre les représentants des sociétés civiles des deux rives de la Méditerranée et les institutions nationales et régionales développant des programmes dans la région avait été lance pour la première fois en 2004 par le Mouvement Européen International (MEI), une organisation internationale créé au lendemain de la seconde guerre mondiale. Le but de ce premier congrès était de promouvoir des projets concrets dans les domaines de l’éducation, la formation professionnelle, les migrations, les investissements, l’emploi et d’assurer la participation active de la société civile aux  processus politiques et décisionnels. La Déclaration d’Alger contenant un plan d’action pour une vision commune du futur  fut ainsi signée en Février 2006.

Le congrès qui a pris place à l’hôtel Ramada Plaza à Gammarth au bord d’une plage dorée a duré deux jours et demi. La coopération dans les domaines de la mobilité des personnes, de l’éducation et de la formation, celle du domaine culturel, des domaines économiques et sociaux furent discutées dans  six ateliers parallèles. Les questions posées concernaient la forme de partenariat qui  pouvait être mis en place,  comment développer le rôle de la société civile et comment les réseaux méditerranéens des organisations de la société civile pouvaient être améliorées.

Les propositions et recommandations qui ont résulté de ces ateliers peuvent être résumées comme suit :

  1. les sans voix doivent être entendues, représentées dans les associations représentant la société civile,
  2. des liens étroits tels que des jumelages devraient être formés entre Ngo nationaux, régionaux et internationaux,
  3. L’indépendance des Ngo vis-à-vis  de l’état, même si subventionnés et crées  par eux, devrait être assurée.
  4. Une société civile vigilante contribuant  à l’instauration d’une vraie démocratie dans les pays concernés doit être développée.

Mais ce qui fut intéressant furent les conversations tenues en privé avec les participants. On parlait de la fin des régimes policiers et prédateurs, de la fin de la rotation biologique, dynastique et non démocratique, de la nécessité de mettre fin à une économie du « clan » ou le système public était démantelé.   Mais on craignait aussi l’instauration de nouveaux  régimes autoritaire récupéré par l’armée, ou dominé par des tendances extrémistes.

La disparité des revenus dans les pays vivant ce soi disant printemps facilite la montée de l’islam militant qui éduque, fractionne, organise, endoctrine  les populations par le biais de  multiple associations  caritatives. En Tunisie près de 250 associations auraient vu le jour en un an, et on nous dit que plus de 500 sont actives. On y préconise le retour à la sharia, au mariage multiple. On parle de changer le Code du Statut Personnel,  ces lois progressistes tunisienne  promulgées en 1956 qui visait  à instaurer l’égalité  entre  la femme et l’homme et qui abolissait  la polygamie, permettait le divorce via une procedure judiciaire et le mariage sous consentement mutuel. Aujourd’hui le heurt entre ceux se voulant progressistes et ceux se disant islamistes et ayant des mentalités conservatrices a pris de l’ampleur.  Tout en aidant les couches sociales les moins favorisées ces mouvements sont actifs politiquement non seulement en Tunisie mais aussi dans le reste du Maghreb, l’Afrique Musulmane, la Lybie et l’Égypte et tout le proche orient. Le danger réside dans le fait que ces organisations arrivent à prétendre incarner, représenter  l’ensemble  des citoyens.

Quelle que soit ces associations représentant la société civile et la volonté des citoyens, on en vient à se demander quelles sont les liens qui les relient à l’État. Reçoivent elles le support de l’État, émanent t’elles d’elle ou sont t’elles en confrontation avec ce pouvoir public.  Lorsque l’on analyse les relations qui peut exister entre ces organisations et l’état on peut constater les développements suivants. La plupart du temps les  associations civiles à caractère nationale s’allient à des associations à caractère internationales pour  faire pression sur l’État vu comme répressif  pour revendiquer des changements.  L’État, a son tour et bien souvent se défend en reniant, répudiant les dites violations ou  critiques. Les groupes défendant les droits qu’ils revendiquent continuent à rendre public les violations. Finalement les pressions nationales et internationales forcent le gouvernement à faire des changements, des améliorations tactiques pour alléger les pressions. Pour donner fin aux criticismes domestiques et internationales des nouvelles institutions sont formées, les règles ou lois ayant les normes requises sont acceptées. La dynamique de l’expansion de cette stratégie peut aboutir à des changements. Mais ces changements restent la plupart du temps des changements de forme mais pas de fond. Un processus,  un phénomène d’indigénisation de certaines de ces valeurs, de ces reformes  nouvellement acceptées font qu’elles sont interprétées, institutionnalisées différemment avec des détournements qui ne correspond pas à leur sens originel. Entre le dire et le faire, entre les textes rédigés et appliqués il peut y avoir  un gouffre.

D’où dans un monde ou on parle de globalisation économique, de globalisation politique et culturelle que se passera t il véritablement ? Clash des civilisations différentes? Éloignement et isolement ? Ou acceptations des différences culturelles et autres et intégration soulignés par ces différences? Le temps décidera…

Activities Realized in 2015 by the Women in Foreign Policy Initiative

By Women Issues

The 2015 Activities of the Women in Foreign Policy Initiative founded by Associate Prof. Dr. Zeynep Alemdar, Rana Birden Çorbacıoğlu and Christina Bache Fidan were as follows:

1. Two activities were realized to commemorate the 15 th anniversary of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSRC 1325)  on women, peace and security which calls for the adoption of a gender perspective to consider the special needs of women and girls during conflict, repatriation, resettlement, rehabilitation, reintegration and post-conflict reconstruction.

a. On December 10,  a planning session was organized with two Sweedish Institutions: the Raoul Wallenberg Institute of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law (RWI) and Operation 1325 .

     b. On December 17 we participated to the meeting organized by the  UN Women’s European and Central Asia Office which gathered  local sivil society organizations,academicians and specialists of the subject to  discuss the 1325 National Action Plan.  

2. In May we  organized the Women in Foreign Policy Speaker Series with the support of the Hollings Center for International Dialogue (Istanbul) .

     a.On May 27 we had our first meeting where the three founders of the initiative discussed their personal experiences.

b. On September 17Asma Khader President of the Sisterhood Is Global Institute/Jordan (SIGI/J) shared her insights on the threats and challenges facing women in the Middle East with a specific focus on women refugees.

c. On November 16, Ferhan Salman Senior Economist at the Middle East and Central Asia and Member of the Gender Advisory Group of the IMF delivered a presentation on Macro Economic Impacts of Gender Equality.

3. We participated to the C20 (September), W20 (October)and G20 (November) meetings.

 

Security Policy Position

By Defense and Security

BağlantıSecurity Policy Position

– Draft for first discussion –

The European Union currently finds itself in a strategic environment that has changed fundamentally over the past years. The international system is in flux, with shifting power balances, the emergence of new actors on the global stage, and new threats to Europe’s security. The EU now faces the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, civil war in Syria, terrorist attacks on its own territory, radicalisation, a refugee crisis, cybercrime, climate change, and energy dependency, to name but a few of the most pressing issues.

In our multipolar and globalised world, these challenges cannot be solved at the national level but require cooperation. The economic crisis and ensuing reductions in defence and security budgets only underscore this. To protect Europe’s interests both at home and abroad, the European Union offers the best forum for cooperation on defence and security issues.

However, the current crises have revealed the limited capacity of the EU in crisis management, and oblige it to formulate a better response to the ongoing security crisis urgently. Furthermore, the EU heads of state seem reluctant to develop a comprehensive and coordinated response to the different challenges Europe faces. European citizens however expect concrete answers in the short, medium and long term to the current security challenges. In order to develop a common and effective European response to the various security challenges that it faces, the EU needs to:

·       Strategise and prioritise

High Representative Federica Mogherini will prepare an EU Global Strategy on Foreign and Security Policy, to be presented by June 2016. This strategy should be realistic, streamlining the existing strategies and policies and set top priorities that all Member States share and should adhere too. A European White Book on Defence should be developed following on this strategy, in order to concretise the priorities in terms of capabilities.

·       Speak with one voice

The strategising and prioritising exercise undertaken by Federica Mogherini will not ensure effective and common action unless there is political will in the Member States to cooperate and devote resources to common action. It will only have impact if Member States actively convey a joint message and pursue the same priorities, also in other international fora.

·       Use existing provisions and tools

The Lisbon Treaty contains several articles that have never been implemented, such as articles 20.2 on enhanced cooperation, 44 on the flexibility provision, and in particular 46 on Permanent Structured Cooperation. The first invocation of article 42.7 on mutual assistance by France should be used to further develop concrete security and defence cooperation. The actual deployment of the existing EU Battlegroups would also be a step in the right direction.

·       Complete the single market for defence

The completion of the single market for defence, following on existing Commission plans, is an important element for a closer integrated and more competitive defence industry, as well as civilian and military synergies in research and technology. It will ensure a more efficient use of resources in times of austerity, while increasing Europe’s capability to face security challenges.

·       Explore new areas of defence cooperation

Fully exploiting the above options is not enough to respond to the challenges Europe faces, and new areas of the defence cooperation should be explored. Increased cooperation in the field of cybercrime in the form of a Cyber Command could be a start, as well as the setup of a permanent civil and military headquarters. Following on the above steps, the concept of a European army in the form of pooled capabilities and harmonisation among EU armed forces should be pursued, with special attention to the right of civilian and military personnel.

Coordinated, impactful and joint action is needed to respond to the ongoing security challenges and future challenges. An immediate response is key, and in this light short-term and practical measures, using existing policies, tools and treaty provisions should be prioritised. With that in mind, however, only deeper integration in the field of defence and security policy will allow the European Union to maintain its military capabilities, strengthen its global position and permanently ensure its security.

EU Global Strategy on Foreign and Security Policy: what should it contain?

The EU Global Strategy on Foreign and Security Policy is currently being prepared by High Representative Federica Mogherini. This strategy should start from the core function of the European Union: ensuring peace and security on the European continent, whilst respecting European values. Furthermore, it should decide on a limited set of key priorities. These key priorities can include different sub-priorities or themes. Without pretending to present an exhaustive list, the following elements should be addressed throughout the strategy:

  • Migration

Addressing the current refugee crisis in Europe asks for a focus on the causes of the refugee flows. There is a clear security dimension in addressing those conflicts that result in the displacement of people, such as the war in Syria. The implementation of the so-called EU Agenda on Migration should be fully coherent with the overall direction of EU foreign policy.

  • Neighbourhood

Structuring relations with Europe’s different neighbours and partners should form a key part of the strategy. The recently reviewed European Neighbourhood Policy should, as is intended, be closely integrated in the EU Global Strategy, and its policies should be in line with the overall strategies set for EU security and foreign policy.

  • Climate

Climate change and security are closely interwoven. Not only does global warming pose a direct threat to Europe – for example in the rising sea level – the impact of global warming is often aggravating existing tensions and security problems elsewhere, not in the least in the form of mass population displacement, for example through droughts, water shortages, and poor harvests. Climate change is one of the key challenges that no state can solve by itself, thus asking for closer cooperation on a higher level.

  • Energy

Energy plays a role in many of the conflicts in Europe’s neighbourhood and has a strong geopolitical aspect. Europe’s energy dependency makes it vulnerable, and diversification and integration of European energy markets is therefore important. Externally, cooperation in energy matters might have a positive effect on current conflicts, and continuing to purchase Russian gas, in addition to diversification, will put the EU in a stronger position vis-à-vis Russia.

Woman of Europe Award / Women of Europe Network

By Women Issues

Woman of Europe Award / Women of Europe Network
With the aim of reviving the Woman of Europe Award, interested EMI members have met and shared ideas to prepare a new proposal for a Woman of Europe project:
Mission statement
Realising that the role of women in the European project remains largely unrecognized, the European Movement Woman of Europe Award aims to highlight the contribution of women in advancing the project of European unification, and to increase the involvement of women in European integration.
Woman of Europe Award
To this end, it aims to set up a European-level Woman of Europe Award and an adjoining Women of Europe Network composed of women active in European integration. The Award will honour women that strive or have strived to advance the European project, in their professional or private capacity.
Women of Europe Network
The network will bring together the European winners and nominees, as well as previous national winners, the women- and gender equality networks of the EMI’s International Associations as well as women networks of project partners. The network is inclusive, pro-European, and open to all genders. It aims to create linkages, share experiences and promote exchanges between women who work on European integration to enable them to increase their involvement in the European project.
Involvement of the European Movement
This project serves four goals that are important for the European Movement: it will recognise women for their contribution to the European project and aim to increase their role; it will stress the important values of human rights and gender equality; it will increase awareness of the work the European Movement International and its members undertake in the effort to advance European integration; and it will create new linkages between existing networks.
Action plan
To set up the proposed Award and Network, a Steering Committee will be formed, consisting of 6 members: the EMI Secretary General, one EMI staff member, and two representatives each of the National Councils and International Associations. They will undertake the following actions:
o Build partnerships with a leading European women’s organisation; a media partner; and an institutional partner;
o Raise funds (via sponsorship) for the organisation of the Award ceremony, the Award itself (possibly in-kind), and the set-up of the network;
o Organise the first Award ceremony and the adjoining Women of Europe Network, provide the enabling structures for a self-managing network, set up a database, and organise a first meeting in the margins of the ceremony;
o Collect nominations and form a jury to select the winner of the 2016 or 2017 Woman of Europe Award. Each member organisation can put forward one nominee, as well as (members of) the partnering women’s organisation (tbd). Eligible to be nominated are women who, in their professional or private capacity, strive or have strived to advance the European project.
All EMI members are invited to express their interest in the project and to join the project preparations.
Submitted for adoption by
EM Norway, EM Ireland, EM Germany, EM France, EM Serbia, AFEM, CESI, ALDE (ALDE GEN), CEMR.

Migration and Refugees

By Migration and Refugees

OzU Migration Studies Research Network was created as a blog to share outputs of recent studies conducted by researchers affiliated with Özyeğin University as well as other local and international researchers on Turkey working on migration issues, especially those related to the recent migration crisis affecting the region with an emphasis on Syrian migration. Over two million Syrians have come to Turkey since the outbreak of the crisis in March 2011. In political, social and economic terms, Turkey is one of the most affected countries of the Syrian crisis. This blog aims to contribute the overall literature on Syrian migration in Turkey by collecting various academic studies and reports.

Source: http://labs.ozyegin.edu.tr/ozumigs/

1) Launched as a project of the Migration Policy Centre (MPC) at the European University Institute http://syrianrefugees.eu is a snapshot of the repercussions of the Syrian refugee crisis for both Syria’s neighbors and the European Union. The website holds a series of studies conducted by local researchers on behalf of the MPC at the end of 2012 and an update carried out in 2014. Senay Ozden’s report on Turkey is a must read! You can download itSyrian Refugees in Turkey.

2) The UN Refugee Agency summarizes its operations in Turkey online. The link to the webpage is http://www.unhcr.org/ .

3) Migration Policy Institute has recently published a report written by Director of the Migration Research Center at Koc University, MiReKoc, Prof. Ahmet Icduygu, which is entitled as Syrian Refugees in Turkey: The Long Road Ahead. You can download here: MPI-Report-Syria.

4) Another report is published by the Hacettepe University Migration and Politics Research Centre entitled Syrians in Turkey: Social Acceptance and Integration Research, available at HUGO-REPORT-Syrians in Turkey.

5) Brookings Report written by Prof. Kemal Kirisci is entitled Syrian Refugees and Turkey’s Challenges: Going Beyond Hospitality can be downloaded Syrian Refugees and Turkeys Challenges May 14 2014.

6) Republic of Turkey Ministry of Interior Directorate General of Migration Management updates its official website on the subject frequently. The link is http://www.goc.gov.tr/Main/.

7) The website of Hamisch – The Syrian Cultural House in Istanbul is worth checking to be able to go beyond misrepresentations by fostering deeper understanding of Syrian society and culture. http://hamisch.org

8) Refugee Studies Centre Oxford Department of International Development published a report prepared by Hashem Ahmadzadeh, Metin Çorabatır, Leen Hashem, Jalal Al Husseini and Sarah Wahby with contributions from Farah Akel, Maha Alasil, Zeina Bali and Hoshang Waziri and supervised by Dawn Chatty, which is entitled Ensuring Quality Education for Young Refugees from Syria (2014). For the full report, please click.

9) Fikret Hassa and Metin Çorabatır has conducted a research project for İGAM (Association for Research Centre on Asylum and Migration), which is a Case Study of NGO Activities in Safeguarding the Rights of the Syrian Refugees and Increasing Their Quality of Life in Three Border Provinces of Turkey. For the full report in Turkish, English and Arabic, please click.

10) Sabr Centre ve Middle East Development Network (MDN) has published a report on Syrian-Türkish Harmonization: Study on the Syrian-Turkish Harmonization in Gaziantep, which is a statistical study that addressed Syrians and Turks living in Gaziantep. For the full report in English, please click.

11) Anti-Syrian racism in Turkey – Doğuş SİMSEK
‘A wave of xenophobia is ruining the lives of Syrian refugees in Turkey where they are seen as criminals, accused of stealing jobs and responsible for anything that goes wrong. Media incitement and state inaction fuel the flames.’
Click here for accessing the article

12) ORSAM Report No: 195, January 2015, “Effects of the Syrian refugees on Turkey”
Click here for accessing the article

13) ORSAM Report No: 196, January 2015, “The economic effects of Syrian refugees on Turkey: A synthetic modelling”
Click here for accessing the article

14)”We will stop here and go no further: Syrian university students and scholars”, October 2014, By: Keith David Watenpaugh, Adrienne L. Fricke, James R. King
Click here for accessing the article

15) Ad.dar (“home” in Arabic) (A community center for Syrian and Palestinian Syrian refuges in Istanbul), is an all-volunteer, non-political, non-religious, multi-cultural community initiative established for Syrian and Syrian- Palestinian refugees living in Istanbul.
Click here for accessing the Link

16)Mathis Wagner – The impact of Syrians Refugees on the Turkish Labour market
Click here for accesing the Link

17) Doç Dr. M. Murat Erdoğan & Dr. Can Ünver – Türk İş Dünyasının Türkiyedeki Suriyeliler konusundaki görüş, beklenti ve önerileri – This is a new report that viewing Turkish bussiness world expectations and suggestions for Syrians in Turkey. However unfortunately this report currently only available in Turkish.
Click here for accessing the Link

18) BOOK, The Welfare of Syrian Refugees : Evidence from Jordan and Lebanon – Verme, Paolo; Gigliarano, Chiara; Wieser, Christina; Hedlund, Kerren; Petzoldt, Marc; Santacroce, Marco. 2016
Click here for accessing the Link

19) Turkey’s response to the Syrian refugee crisis and the road ahead (English) – World Bank Group- Social, Urban, Rural & Resilience, December 2015
Click here for accessing the Link

20) Presenting the MSF report “Obstacle Course to Europe: a policy-made humanitarian crisis at EU borders

Note from Brussels by Petros Fassoulas Secretary General of European Movement int. : The proposal for a new settlement for the UK within the EU.

By Brexit and Grexit

Note from Brussels – The proposals for a new settlement for the UK within the EU.

The President of the EU Council has written to heads of state and government with his proposals for a new settlement for the UK within the EU. They are the outcome of intense diplomacy between the UK, the EU institutions and fellow member states.

Mr Tusk’s proposals address the four areas in the UK’s current membership terms which the British Prime Minister highlighted as in need of reform.

In broader terms the draft deal represents a compromise, which includes the following:

-The right to ban EU citizens from claiming in-work benefits as soon as they move to the UK. The ban can last up to 4 years and it can be triggered only when extraordinary circumstances occur.The UK (or any other member state) will also have the right to restrict free movement in case “the conduct of an individual poses a present threat to public policy or security”.

-A mechanism to “facilitate the coexistence” of euro and non-euro countries within the single market. This does not constitute a veto but allows the UK (or a group of non-eurozone EU member states) to request that legislative proposals which cover the Eurozone but affect the single market be escalated for political discussion at the European Council.

-The recognition that the EU is a multi-currency union.

-An opt out from “ever closer union” and a recognition that the UK “is not committed to further political integration into the EU”.

-A commitment to increase efforts to enhance competitiveness and an annual audit of EU regulation to reduce red tape and minimise unnecessary EU level interventions.

-A right for national parliaments to block EU legislative proposals, as long as 55% support such a move.

Whereas the exact details, especially with regards to the “emergency breaks” on EU migration and Eurozone governance, are yet to be finalised ahead (or even during) the February European Council, the Tusk letter provides a solid basis for Cameron. It gives him the opportunity to present this as a “victory” and claim that he won concessions that will reshape the UK’s relationship with the EU, even though these concessions might appear unnecessary (there is little evidence that changes to welfare rules will reduce migration to the UK, as research shows that claiming benefits is not the reason EU citizens move to Britain).

It remains to be seen whether Mr Cameron’s Conservative party, the British media and, ultimately, British public opinion will be persuaded. It is worth noting that most of the British press, especially the Eurosceptic tabloid papers, have reacted negatively to the draft deal. But, following what I am sure will be a climatic EU Summit in two weeks’ time, I think Mr Cameron will be able to go back home and say ‘I slayed the dragon’. That’s something that is considered crucial among many pollsters because research has shown that most undecided voters are likely to support the PM’s recommendation to remain in the EU if he is seen to have achieved a good deal in his renegotiation.

Having said that, one must not forget that the renegotiation and its outcome does not feature on the ballot paper. The British people will be asked whether they want to leave or remain in the EU. For the referendum to be won the case for EU membership needs to be made, with conviction and rigour. Simply accentuating the concessions and exemptions Mr Cameron won won’t be enough to persuade people of the merits of EU membership.

Whether what Mr Cameron has secured will strengthen the UK’s place in the EU or make the EU a more efficient and effective organisation, I am not sure about. Ultimately, a member’s place in a club depends on its attitude, its involvement and its wish to assume a leading role, not on a set of legal guarantees, exemptions and safeguards. The UK can be a leader in the EU. But I do not think Mr Cameron’s renegotiation and the EU referendum is about that.

Petros Fassoulas

Secretary General

European Movement International

 

Active Participation in Civil Society: International Standards, Obstacles in National Legislation and Proposals Report

By Participatory Democracy and Civil Society Dialogue

Active Participation in Civil Society: International Standards, Obstacles in National Legislation and Proposals Report[1] is published by TUSEV within the scope of Strengthening Civil Society and Civil Society Public Sector Dialogue Project that is funded by European Union and Turkish Republic determines the legal obstacles against the enabling environment for civil society in Turkey and introduces proposals for amendments.
The report is authored by Gökçeçiçek Ayata from Istanbul Bilgi University Human Rights Research Centre and Assistant Professor Ulas Karan from Bilgi University Law School and is composed of three major parts.
The first part evaluates the Turkey’s Constitution’s compatibility with the international standards on freedom of association, while the second part analyzes the interconnectedness of freedom of association with freedoms and rights like right to information, freedom of expression, freedom of assembly etc. Finally; in the last part, you can find the proposals for amendments regarding the Turkey’s legislation on freedom of association.
1] This report is prepared by TUSEV, in partnership with ECNL, through the Civic Space Initiative implemented by the International Center for Not-for-Profit Law, ARTICLE 19, CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation, and the World Movement for Democracy. The English translation of this report is financed by the Government of Sweden. The Government of Sweden does not necessarily share the opinions here within expressed. TUSEV bears the sole responsibility for the content of this publication. Report in Turkish and in English can be found at :

http://www.tusev.org.tr/usrfiles/images/MevzuatRapor.15.09.15.pdf http://www.tusev.org.tr/usrfiles/files/Active_Participation_in_Civil_Society.pdf

Source: http://www.tusev.org.tr/en/research-publications/online-publications/active-participation-in-civil-society-international-standards-obstacles-in-national-legislation-and-proposals-report